In February 1945, the Big Three, Churchill, Roosevelt and Stalin
met in the Russian Crimea to conclude discussions concerning
several issues including the question of Poland's eastern border,
the establishment of a Polish Provisional Government, and the
holding of free and democratic elections at the close of the war.
The agreement reached at Yalta was heavily promoted by the Allies as a great success, and was met with euphoria in the
western world as a sign of international peace to come. But for the Polish regiments which had fought in the Battles of
Dresden, and Monte Cassino it had come as a crushing blow. They had just liberated the cities of Piedimonte, Ancona, and
Bologna, but tragically lost their homeland to the Soviets. Everywhere the Poles went, Italians showered them with flowers
and adoration shouting, " Viva Polonia! ". The reality was heartbreaking.
Throughout the Conference at Yalta, and talks leading up to it, neither Churchill nor Roosevelt bothered to inform Polish
Prime Minister Mikolajczyk that they had ceded Poland over to Stalin. Since that fateful day, Churchill had been
putting enormous pressure on Mikolajczyk in a desperate attempt to get him to accept Soviet demands, although unbeknowst
to him it was already fait accomplis. It caused considerable embarassment and annoyance to Churchill that the Prime Minister
made continuous demands for the protection of the Poland's eastern border. Aware of the situation, the Soviet Foreign Minister
Molotov spilled the beans to put an end to the wrangling. Churchill was infuriated at being exposed in this way, and in an
emotional rebuttal refused to accept responsibility claiming that Britain and the US were also victims of Soviet chicanery.
(That an imperial power succumbed to such naivete is nonsense. This conspiracy of secrecy had been long in the
making.) Barely a week after Warsaw's capitulation, President Roosevelt invited several members of the Polish American
Congress to the White House. It was a photo opportunity that smacked of propaganda. Behind where Roosevelt was seated,
was a large map of Poland clearly illustrating the demarcation of its eastern border along the Riga Line rather than the Curzon
Line, so coveted by Stalin. Without saying a word, Roosevelt used this ploy to deceive everyone into believing that the US
supported Poland's border claims. In his discussion with Charles Rozmarek, President of the Polish American Congress,
Roosevelt promised that Poland would be treated fairly at the peace conference. In seeking re-election, Roosevelt did not
want to alienate the large Polish American electorate. With his affable charm, and conniving deception, he won their
confidence, and in November 1944 was re-elected to a fourth term in office.
Churchill tried to dodge questions about Russia's trustworthiness, and expressed his confidence that Stalin would
respect the terms of the Yalta Agreement. He stated, " I know of no government which stands to it's obligations more solidly
than the Russian Soviet government." . But three months after the Yalta Conference, the Russian government already reneged
on it's agreement. The NKVD had embarked on a massive manhunt for the members of the Polish Home Army. They were
arrested, tortured, and hanged. Thousands more Poles were deported to the Russian gulag. Polish troops which had helped
the Red Army drive the Germans out of Lwow, Wilno, and Lublin, were repaid for their efforts by execution. Among those
arrested were sixteen promiment leaders of the Polish Underground. The Polish government was aware that their
disappearance was linked directly to British interference. The British Foreign Minister, Anthony Eden convinced the Polish
government to give him a list containing the names of all the Polish Underground leaders. In turn, he surrendered the list to
Stalin, with a warning that should any of the Poles be harmed, Russia would be severely reprimanded. With this list, the NKVD
was able to track down each member, and invited them to a meeting to discuss the future of a coalition between the Red Army
and the Polish Underground. The sixteen men were never seen or heard from again. All enquiries made by the Prime Minister
Mikolajczyk concerning their whereabouts was met with typical Soviet evasion and lies. At the opening of the UN Conference
in San Francisco in April 1945, which was boycotted by the Soviet government, Molotov arrived in a show of belligerence
and openly declared that the sixteen who had disappeared had in fact been arrested by the Soviet government.
And then he promptly stormed out of the building with his entourage.
The ensuing public criticism over British and American mishandling of the entire debacle was deftly handled by Roosevelt
and Churchill. Roosevelt did a spin on the Yalta agreement, emphasizing that it supported the principles outlined in the
Atlantic Charter (Sept 1941), and which had been signed by the Russian government. Churchill resorted to his usual
rhetoric and grand eloquence in an effort to placate an angry House of Commons. Shrewd politician that he was, he
introduced the subject for debate in the Commons. To his surprise, a motion was called for a vote of confidence. Unphased,
Churchill worded the question in such a way that to have voted against it would have charged the House of Commons with
disloyalty to the British nation and a lack of patriotism. Not surprisingly, it resulted in a unanimous vote for Churchill.
In a blistering speech in the Commons, MP Dunglass denounced Churcill for the " transfer to another power the territory of an
ally "and that Churchill failed to permit the Polish government to have " the full right to choose their own government free from
the influence of any other power. " The following day twenty-five MP's who opposed the Yalta agreement introduced an
amendment to the vote of confidence. The amendment was defeated by 385 votes, it was supported by only 25 votes,
while 11 abstained.
The Soviet government promised to hold general elections in Poland but adamantly refused to allow the presence of
British and American observers. Stalin assured them that the election would be conducted democratically. The
subsequent installation of a Polish government was not one chosen by the Polish people, but by Stalin himself. Neither did
he allow equal representation of Polish officials from other areas, as was stipulated in the Yalta agreement. On November
24 1945 , Prime Minister Mikolajczyk had no choice but to resign. In his place, the Soviets appointed Tomasz Arciszewski,
head of Poland's Socialist Party . On July 5, the British and US governments formally recognised the Provisional Government,
and withdrew recognition from the legal Polish government-in-exile, in London.
With the British economy in shambles, the public and the government showed little if any appreciation to the Poles for
their sacrifices in the war, especially for their part in winning the Battle of Britain. Attlee, who replaced Churchill as Prime
Minister stated emphatically that " everything should be done to ensure that as few Poles remain in...[England]. " The
presence of the Poles had become an embarassment to Britain who had betrayed it's most trustworthy and valuable ally.
Poles were subjected to vicious diatribes by the British public. A survey indicated that the British wanted the Poles to
repatriate. The British government used propaganda to impress upon the Poles how bad their future would be in England
if they remained. The Atlee government ordered all Polish military personnel to return to Poland. If not, there was no
guarantee they would be allowed to stay in England. The Poles could not return to Poland, now under Soviet domination.
Many who had already repatriated were immediately arrested and deported to Siberia. Less than 20 % of Polish military
( approximately 30,000 ) returned to Poland. The remainder chose to live in Britain, or other western nations. In the meantime,
the British government set up a Polish Resettlement Corps to help the Polish soldiers find work.